The DA finds itself at a crossroads to support or not President Cyril Ramaphosa’s pending impeachment.
If it wants to remain a credible partner in the government of national unity (GNU), it must tread carefully in its approach to the Phala Phala scandal.
The temptation to exploit it for political gain is obvious, but the risks of destabilising the GNU and alienating Ramaphosa are equally clear.
The reactions from the DA’s top brass, including new federal leader Geordin Hill-Lewis, parliamentary leader George Michalakis, and national spokesperson Karabo Khakhau, reveal the party’s eagerness to seize on the impeachment process.
For any opposition party, the prospect of a sitting president being removed from office is tantalising, especially in an election year. Yet the DA is no longer a pure opposition force.
Its dual role – both as the second-largest party in parliament and as a partner in the GNU – complicates its calculus.
The impeachment saga is ready fodder for parties like the EFF, uMkhonto weSizwe (MK), and the African Transformation Movement (ATM), that will weaponise Ramaphosa’s troubles on the campaign trail.
For them, Phala Phala is a rallying cry and a symbol of ANC decline. The DA, however, must weigh its ambitions against the stability of the GNU.
Its participation in government has boosted its stature, pulling it out of the semipolitical wilderness after the loss of prominent black leaders who might have broadened its appeal.
Historically, the Helen Zille-driven “blue train” flirted with power but abandoned the ambition of becoming a majority party when it shed much of its black leadership.
Instead, it leaned into Afrikaner constituencies, a group increasingly drawn to the Freedom Front Plus and AfriForum/Solidarity.
Joining the GNU under John Steenhuisen restored its relevance, positioning it as a stabilising force with the ANC. Hill-Lewis, however, appears willing to rock the boat.
His calculation seems to be that without Ramaphosa at the ANC’s helm, the DA could edge closer to power. But this is a dangerous misstep.
Ramaphosa has been the ANC’s strongest advocate for DA participation in the GNU. Within the ANC, especially among Ramaphosa’s opponents, there is growing sentiment to abandon the DA altogether.
Gauteng premier Panyaza Lesufi set the precedent by excluding the DA from his government of provincial unity, opting instead for a coalition of smaller parties.
That model is gaining traction, raising the possibility of a left-leaning GNU dominated by the ANC, EFF, MK, and other radical forces. The phrase azilime ziye etsheni – a Nguni expression meaning “come what may” – captures the mood of those in the ANC, who would rather risk instability than continue sharing power with the DA.
Should Ramaphosa fall, the ANC may well pivot left, restructuring the GNU to pursue more radical policies. For many in the ANC, the party has failed to deliver on land reform and economic justice.
A leftward alliance could be framed as a restoration of black rule. Such a shift carries risks. Investors fear the uncertainty that radical change might unleash.
Yet, for ANC strategists eyeing the 2029 polls, a left alliance may be the path to revitalise support. The DA’s miscalculation would then be complete should it fail to support Ramaphosa when his chips are down.
The party could accelerate its own marginalisation and jeopardise the GNU. The DA must, therefore, resist the allure of short-term gains.
Its credibility as a governing partner depends on stability, not opportunism. Ramaphosa’s survival is not just an ANC matter; it is the hinge on which the GNU rests.
If the DA undermines him, it risks being cast aside in favour of a coalition that excludes it entirely. In the end, the DA’s choice could be to play the long game by safeguarding the GNU, or gamble on Ramaphosa’s downfall and risk being left out in the cold.
The Phala Phala saga is more than a scandal; it is a test of the DA’s maturity as a governing party.
